Money

Money is a commodity accepted by general consent as a medium of economic exchange. It is the medium in which prices and values are expressed; as currency, it circulates anonymously from person to person and country to country, thus facilitating trade, and it is the principal measure of wealth.

The subject of money has fascinated people from the time of Aristotle to the present day. The piece of paper labeled 1 dollar, 10 euros, 100 yuan, or 1,000 yen is a little different, as paper, from a piece of the same size torn from a newspaper or magazine, yet it will enable its bearer to command some measure of food, drink, clothing, and the remaining goods of life while the other is fit only to light the fire. Whence the difference? The easy answer, and the right one, is that modern money is a social contrivance. People accept money as such because they know that others will. This common knowledge makes the pieces of paper valuable because everyone thinks they are, and everyone thinks they are because in his or her experience money has always been accepted in exchange for valuable goods, assets, or services. At bottom money is, then, a social convention, but a convention of uncommon strength that people will abide by even under extreme provocation. The strength of the convention is, of course, what enables governments to profit by inflating (increasing the quantity of) the currency. But it is not indestructible. When great increases occur in the quantity of these pieces of paper they have during and after money may be seen to be, after all, no more than pieces of paper. If the social arrangement that sustains money as a medium of exchange breaks down, people will then seek substitutes-like the cigarettes and cognac that for a time served as the medium of exchange in Germany after World War II. New money may substitute for old under less extreme conditions. In many countries with a history of high inflation, such as Argentina, Israel, or Russia, prices may be quoted in a different currency, such as the U.S. dollar, because the dollar has a more stable value than the local currency. Furthermore, the country’s residents accept the dollar as a medium of exchange because it is well-known and offers more stable purchasing power than local money.

Functions of money

The basic function of money is to enable buying to be separated from selling, thus permitting trade to take place without the so-called double coincidence of barter. In principle, credit could perform this function, but, before extending credit, the seller would want to know about the prospects of repayment. That requires much more information about the buyer and imposes costs of information and verification that the use of money avoids.

If a person has something to sell and wants something else in return, the use of money avoids the need to search for someone able and willing to make the desired exchange of items. The person can sell the surplus item for general purchasing power—that is, “money”—to anyone who wants to buy it and then use the proceeds to buy the desired item from anyone who wants to sell it.

The importance of this function of money is dramatically illustrated by the experience of Germany just after World War II when paper money was rendered largely useless because of price controls that were enforced effectively by the American, French, and British armies of occupation. Money rapidly lost its value. People were unwilling to exchange real goods for Germany’s depreciating currency. They resorted to barter or to other inefficient money substitutes (such as cigarettes). Price controls reduced incentives to produce. The country’s economic output fell by half. Later the German “economic miracle” that took root just after 1948 reflected, in part, a currency reform instituted by the occupation authorities that replaced depreciating money with money of stable value. At the same time, the reform eliminated all price controls, thereby permitting a money economy to replace a barter economy. 

These examples have shown the “medium of exchange” function of money. Separation of the act of sale from the act of purchase requires the existence of something that will be generally accepted in payment. But there must also be something that can serve as a temporary store of purchasing power, in which the seller holds the proceeds in the interim between the sale and the subsequent purchase or from which the buyer can extract the general purchasing power with which to pay for what is bought. This is called the “asset” function of money.

Varieties of money

Anything can serve as money that habit or social convention and successful experience endow with the quality of general acceptability and a variety of items have so served—from the wampum (beads made from shells) of American Indians, to cowries (brightly colored shells) in India, to whales’ teeth among the Fijians, to tobacco among early colonists in North America, to large stone disks on the Pacific island of Yap, to cigarettes in post-World War II Germany and in prisons the world over. In fact, the wide use of cattle as money in primitive times survives in the word pecuniary, which comes from the Latin pectus, meaning cattle. The development of money has been marked by repeated innovations in the objects used as money.

Metallic money

Metals have been used as money throughout history. As Aristotle observed, the various necessities of life are not easily carried about; hence people agreed to employ in their dealings with each other something that was intrinsically useful and easily applicable to the purposes of life—for example, iron, silver, and the like. The value of the metal was at first measured by weight, but in time governments or sovereigns put a stamp upon it to avoid the trouble of weighing it and to make the value known at sight.

The use of metal for money can be traced back to Babylon more than 2000 years BC, but standardization and certification in the form of coinage did not occur except perhaps in isolated instances until the 7th century BC. Historians generally ascribe the first use of coined money to Croesus, king of Lydia, a state in Anatolia. The earliest coins were made of electrum, a natural mixture of gold and silver, and were crude, bean-shaped ingots bearing a primitive punch mark certifying either weight or fineness or both.

The use of coins enabled payment to be by “tale,” or count, rather than weight, greatly facilitating commerce. But this in turn encouraged “clipping” (shaving off tiny slivers from the sides or edges of coins) and “sweating” (shaking a bunch of coins together in a leather bag and collecting the dust that was thereby knocked off) in the hope of passing on the lighter coin at its face value. The resulting economic situation was described by Gresham’s law (that “bad money drives out good” when there is a fixed rate of exchange between them): heavy, good coins were held for their metallic value, while light coins were passed on to others. In time the coins became lighter and lighter and prices higher and higher. As a means of correcting this problem, payment by weight would be resumed for large transactions, and there would be pressure for recoinage. These particular defects were largely ended by the “milling” of coins (making serrations around the circumference of a coin), which began in the late 17th century.

A more serious problem occurred when the sovereign would attempt to benefit from the monopoly of coinage. In this respect, the Greek and Roman experience offers an interesting contrast. Solon, on taking office in Athens in 594 BC, did institute a partial debasement of the currency. For the next four centuries (until the absorption of Greece into the Roman Empire) the Athenian drachma had an almost constant silver content (67 grains of fine silver until Alexander, 65 grains thereafter) and became the standard coin of trade in Greece and in much of Asia and Europe as well. Even after the Roman conquest of the Mediterranean peninsula in roughly the 2nd century BC, the drachma continued to be minted and widely used.

The Roman experience was very different. Not long after the silver denarius, patterned after the Greek drachma, was introduced about 212 BC, the prior copper coinage (aes, or libra) began to be debased until, by the onset of the empire, its weight had been reduced from 1 pound (about 450 grams) to half an ounce (about 15 grams). By contrast the silver denarius and the gold aureus (introduced about 87 BC) suffered only minor debasement until the time of Nero (AD 54), when almost continuous tampering with the coinage began. The metal content of the gold and silver coins was reduced, while the proportion of alloy was increased to three-fourths or more of its weight. Debasement in Rome (as ever since) used the state’s profit from money creation to cover its inability or unwillingness to finance its expenditures through explicit taxes. But the debasement in turn raised prices, worsened Rome’s economic situation, and contributed to the collapse of the empire.

Paper money

Experience has shown that carrying large quantities of gold, silver, or other metals proved inconvenient and risked loss or theft. The first use of paper money occurred in China more than 1,000 years ago. By the late 18th and early 19th centuries, paper money and banknotes had spread to other parts of the world. The bulk of the money in use came to consist not of actual gold or silver but of fiduciary money—promises to pay specified amounts of gold and silver. These promises were initially issued by individuals or companies as banknotes or as transferable book entries that came to be called deposits. Although deposits and banknotes began as claims to gold or silver on deposit at a bank or with a merchant, this later changed. Knowing that everyone would not claim his or her balance at once, the banker (or merchant) could issue more claims to the gold and silver than the amount held in safekeeping. Bankers could then invest the difference or lend it at interest. In periods of distress, however, when borrowers did not repay their loans or in case of overissue, the banks could fail.

Gradually, governments assumed a supervisory role. They specified legal tender, defining the type of payment that legally discharged a debt when offered to the creditor and that could be used to pay taxes. Governments also set the weight and metallic composition of coins. Later they replaced fiduciary paper money—promises to pay in gold or silver—with fiat paper money—that is, notes that are issued on the “fiat” of the sovereign government, are specified to be so many dollars, pounds, or yen, etc., and are legal tender but are not promises to pay something else.

The first large-scale issue of paper money in a Western country occurred in France in the early 18th century. Subsequently, the French Revolutionary government issued assignats from 1789 to 1796. Similarly, the American colonies and later the Continental Congress issued bills of credit that could be used in making payments. Yet these and other early experiments gave fiat money a deservedly bad name. The money was overissued, and prices rose drastically until the money became worthless or was redeemed in metallic money (or promises to pay metallic money) at a small fraction of its initial value.

Subsequent issues of fiat money in the major countries during the 19th century were temporary departures from a metallic standard. In Great Britain, for example, the government suspended payment of gold for all outstanding banknotes during the Napoleonic Wars (1797–1815). To finance the war, the government issued fiat paper money. Prices in Great Britain doubled as a result, and gold coin and bullion became more expensive in terms of paper. To restore the gold standard at the former gold price, the government deflated the price level by reducing the quantity of money. In 1821 Great Britain restored the gold standard. Similarly, during the American Civil War, the U.S. government suspended the convertibility of Union currency (greenbacks) into specie (gold or silver coin), and resumption did not occur until 1879 (see specie payment). At its peak in 1864, the greenback price of gold, nominally equivalent to $100, reached more than $250.

Episodes of this kind, which were repeated in many countries, convinced the public that war brings inflation and that the aftermath of war brings deflation and depression. This sequence is not inevitable. It reflected 19th-century experience under metallic money standards. Typically, wars require increased government spending and budget deficits. Governments suspended the metallic (gold) standard and financed their deficits by borrowing and printing paper money. Prices rose.

Throughout history, the price of gold would be far above its prewar value when wartime spending and inflation ended. To restore the metallic standard to the prewar price of gold in paper money, prices quoted in paper money had to fall. The alternative was to accept the increased price of gold in paper money by devaluing the currency (that is, reducing money’s purchasing power). After World War I, the British and the United States governments forced prices to fall, but many other countries devalued their currencies against gold. After World War II, all major countries accepted the higher wartime price level, and most devalued their currencies to avoid deflation and depression.

The widespread use of paper money brought other problems. Since the cost of producing paper money is far lower than its exchange value, forgery is common (it cost about 4 cents to produce one piece of U.S. paper currency in 1999). Later the development of copying machines necessitated changes in paper and the use of metallic strips and other devices to make forgery more difficult. In addition, the use of machines to identify, count, or change currency increased the need for tests to identify genuine currency.

Standards of value

In the Middle Ages, when money consisted primarily of coins, silver and gold coins circulated simultaneously. As governments came increasingly to take over the coinage and especially as fiduciary money was introduced, they specified their nominal (face value) monetary units in terms of fixed weights of either silver or gold. Some adopted a national bimetallic standard, with fixed weights for both gold and silver based on their relative values on a given date—for example, 15 ounces of silver equal 1 ounce of gold (see bimetallism). As the prices changed, the phenomenon associated with Gresham’s law ensured that the bimetallic standard degenerated into a monometallic standard. If, for example, the quantity of silver designated as the monetary equivalent of 1 ounce of gold (15 to 1) was less than the quantity that could be purchased in the market for 1 ounce of gold (say 16 to 1), no one would bring gold to be coined. Holders of gold could instead profit by buying silver in the market, receiving 16 ounces for each ounce of gold; they would then take 15 ounces of silver to the mint to be coined and accept payment in gold.

Continuing this profitable exchange drained gold from the mint, leaving the mint with silver coinage. In this example, silver, the cheaper metal in the market, “drove out” gold and became the standard. This happened in most of the countries of Europe so that by the early 19th century all were effectively on a silver standard. In Britain, on the other hand, the ratio established in the 18th century on the advice of Sir Isaac Newton, then serving as master of the mint, overvalued gold and therefore led to an effective gold standard. In the United States, a ratio of 15 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold was set in 1792. This ratio overvalued silver, so silver became the standard. Then in 1834, the ratio was altered to 16 to 1, which overvalued gold, so gold again became the standard.